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Showing posts with label 4th September 2012. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 4th September 2012. Show all posts

Tuesday, 4 September 2012

Michael Clarke Duncan Is No More!



Hollywood success: Michael was nominated for an Oscar following his performance in 1999's The Green Mile



Green Mile actor Michael Clarke Duncan, 54, dies two months after suffering severe heart attack.


  • Fiancée Omarosa Manigault-Stallworth said: 'I'm devastated. He was the love of my life'

  • The Green Mile co-star Tom Hanks said: 'I am terribly saddened at the loss of Big Mike'

  • Actor had been hospitalised since heart attack on July 13
  • Rose to fame in 1999 after an Oscar nomination for his efforts in The Green Mile.

  • Death came 'very suddenly', with Omarosa present in the hospital room before momentarily leaving for a short period of time and when she returned he had died.

Michael Clarke Duncan, the Oscar-nominated star of The Green Mile, has died after nearly two months of treatment following a heart attack in July.
Publicist Joy Fehily released a statement from Duncan's partner, the Rev. Omarosa Manigault-Stallworth, saying the 54-year-old actor died on Monday morning in a Los Angeles hospital. 

As the sad news was delivered, it also referred to Omarosa for the first time as his fiancée, saying: 'The Oscar-nominated actor suffered a myocardial infarction on July 13 and never fully recovered.'


Tragedy: Michael Clarke Duncan, pictured with fiancée Omarosa Manigault-Stallworth in February at a Grammys party, has died aged 54, two months after suffering a severe heart attack.


Omarosa confirmed the news herself to Radar, saying: 'I am devastated. He was the love of my life.'
The US website report that 'both public and private memorials are being planned'.

Michael's death came 'very suddenly', with TMZ reporting that Omarosa was present in the hospital room before momentarily leaving for a short period of time and when she returned he had died.
Her mother is believed to have been present when he passed.
Meanwhile, Michael's Green Mile co-star Tom Hanks also released a heartfelt message, referring to the actor as 'Big Mike'.

He said: 'I am terribly saddened at the loss of Big Mike. He was the treasure we all discovered on the set of The Green Mile. He was magic. 
'He was a big love of man and his passing leaves us stunned.'

RIP: Michael was in high spirits during an appearance on The Tonight Show With Jay Leno in February
RIP: Michael was in high spirits during an appearance on The Tonight Show With Jay Leno in February

Big break: Michael was cast in Armageddon alongside Ben Affleck and Bruce Willis
Big break: Michael was cast in Armageddon alongside Ben Affleck and Bruce Willis

And the director of the movie, Frank Darabont, was 'devastated', saying: 'He was one of the finest people I’ve ever had the privilege to work with or know. Michael was the gentlest of souls - an exemplar of decency, integrity and kindness. The sadness I feel is inexpressible.'

The 6ft 5in, 300 pound star appeared in dozens of films, including box office hits Armageddon, Planet Of The Apes and Kung Fu Panda.
Duncan had a handful of minor roles before The Green Mile brought him an Academy Award nomination for Best Supporting Actor in 1999, but unfortunately he lost out to Michael Caine after the British legend won his second Oscar to The Cider House Rules.

The film, based on the Stephen King novel of the same name, starred Tom Hanks as a corrections officer at a penitentiary in the 1930s. Duncan played John Coffey, a convicted murderer.

Outpouring of grief: Everyone from Olivia Munn to Evander Holyfield paid tribute to the actor
Outpouring of grief: Everyone from Olivia Munn to Evander Holyfield paid tribute to the actor

Remembering: Twitter tributes continued to flood in with the likes of Twilight stars Taylor Lautner and Peter Facinelli, and Jersey Shore star Snooki paying tribute

Remembering: Twitter tributes continued to flood in with the likes of Twilight stars Taylor Lautner and Peter Facinelli, and Jersey Shore star Snooki paying tribute.

The role saw him become a global star, with Duncan winning the best supporting actor category for the Black Reel Award, Broadcast Film Critics Association Award and Saturn Award ceremonies.
He was also nominated a further nine times, along with his Oscar nod, receiving recognition at the Golden Globes, MTV Movie Awards and Screen Actors Guild Awards.

As news of the tragic actor was revealed, celebrity tributes poured in via Twitter, with former NBA star Kenny Smith stating he was due to visit Duncan tomorrow.

Friends in high places: Michael with Scarlett Johansson at The Island premiere in 2005
Friends in high places: Michael with Scarlett Johansson at The Island premiere in 2005, and with Bruce Willis at The Whole Nine Yards premiere in 2000
Friends in high places: Michael posing with Scarlett Johansson at The Island premiere in New York back in 2005, and with Bruce Willis at The Whole Nine Yards premiere in Los Angeles, over a decade ago in 2000

Winning streak: The actor shows off two awards for the film The Green Mile at the 27th Annual People's Choice Awards in 2001
Winning streak: Duncan shows off two awards for The Green Mile at the 27th People's Choice Awards in 2001.

The retired professional basketball player wrote: 'Don't put off tommor (sic) what you can do today!! RIP Michael Clarke Duncan!! I was suppose to go to hospital tommorow! Blessing to him and fam!!' 

FILM HISTORY

1995: Uncredited role in Friday

1998: Big Break as Bear in Armageddon

1999: Found global fame in Oscar-nominated role in The Green Mile, playing John Coffey 

2000: Reunited with Armageddon co-star Bruce Willis for The Whole Nine Yards

2001: Starred in Tim Burton's blockbuster remake of Planet Of The Apes, playing Attar

2002: Took on the role of Balthazar in The Scorpion King alongside wrestler The Rock

2005: Cast as Manute in A-list piece Sin City

2008: Loaned his vocals to Commander Vachir the Javan Rhino for Kung Fu Panda

2011: Starred as Kilowog in The Green Lantern, opposite leading man Ryan Reynolds 

2012: Played Leo Knox in TV flop The Finder

2012: Cast in his final role before his death From The Rough, based on the true story of a former swimming coach who became the first woman ever to coach college men’s golf team
Dwayne Johnson, otherwise known as The Rock, also reached out having starred alongside Duncan in 2005's The Scorpion King.

He wrote: 'When something happens, we always say it happens for a reason ~ Michael Clarke Duncan 12/10/57 - 9/3/12 I'll miss you my brother.'
Jordin Sparks continued the dedications, writing: 'RIP Michael Clarke Duncan. Thank you for being so kind to me & for sharing your talent with the world. You will be truly missed.'

Extra host Mario Lopez referred to Duncan as a 'class act', saying: 'R.I.P Michael Clarke Duncan... One of the nicest & most professional guys I've had the pleasure of knowing. So sad.'
American Pie actress Shannon Elizabeth wrote: 'RIP Michael Clarke Duncan-so very sad-my prayers are with his family & friends. :('
While Evander Holyfield said: 'My prayers go out to @OfficialMCD @omarosa and his family.'
Before finding fame in Tinseltown, Chicago native Michael worked as a labourer, digging ditches for a gas company.
He then headed to the bright lights of Hollywood, in touching distance of the limelight but still behind the scenes as he found work as a bodyguard for stars including Jamie Foxx and Will Smith.
When one of his clients, the Notorious B.I.G. was killed in 1997, Michael left the security business.
Personal side: The intimate snaps feature on Omarosa's Twitter page

Personal side: The intimate snaps feature on Omarosa's Twitter page
But luck was on his side, and the following year, he landed a role in Armageddon, before going on to star in a string of hits.

He continued his success for over a decade, working right up until his death.
His final role is yet-to-be released From The Rough, a sports drama based on the true story of Catana Starks, a former swimming coach (played by Taraji P. Henson) who became the first woman ever to coach a college men’s golf team. 
Duncan was not averse to the occasional flop however, with his TV show The Finder bombing after just one season earlier this year. The Fox series was a spin-off of Bones, but failed to wow.

Rising star: Michael's notoriety continued to soar with 2003's Daredevil with Colin Farrell
Rising star: Michael's notoriety continued to soar with 2003's Daredevil with Colin Farrell

Spoof: Michael starred in 2004's D.E.B.S. - a parody of the Charlie's Angels format
Spoof: Michael starred in 2004's D.E.B.S. - a parody of the Charlie's Angels format

In July, Michael suffered a heart attack and remained in intensive care for several weeks after.
At the time, his representative Joy said in a statement: 'His family are firm believers in the power of prayer and have asked that you keep him in yours during this time.'

TMZ originally broke the story that Michael's 38-year-old girlfriend performed 'heroic CPR and re-started' the actor's heart at his LA home before he was rushed to the hospital.
'Everyday GOD continues to smile upon my luv Michael Clarke Duncan on this arduous road to recovery,' Omarosa tweeted last month to her 30,000 followers.

'God is with us every step of the way!!'

Action man: Michael pictured with Rosario Dawson in Robert Rodriguez film Sin City
Action man: Michael pictured with Rosario Dawson in Robert Rodriguez film Sin City

Memorable role: Michael received three awards and nine nominations for his role in The Green Mile
Memorable role: Michael received three awards and nine nominations for his role in The Green Mile.

The pair were together for two years and the former Apprentice contestant had been referring to the large star as 'my hubby' and 'my love' as she tended to his bedside.
According to TMZ, 'an army of people' were caring for Duncan, who was 'breathing above the respirator' and had a 'very strong heartbeat' after initial tests were performed on him.


Kent Moran, who directed Duncan in The Challenger, told MailOnline the actor recently wrapped on the action drama, in which he plays a trainer helping to revive the career of boxer Jaden Miller.

Green is mean: Michael played Kilowog in The Green Lantern, alongside Ryan Reynolds
Green is mean: Michael played Kilowog in The Green Lantern, alongside Ryan Reynolds
Moran, who also stars as Miller in the film, described Duncan as 'very healthy' on set and said he coped well with the physicality of the role, adding that news of the actor falling ill was 'unexpected.'


He added: 'We were very surprised and saddened to hear the news. Our film is now in post production and we have finished filming Michael's scenes. 
'So at this point, we are really just praying for him and wishing him a speedy recovery.'


Battle of the bodies: The Rock and Michael co-starred in 2002's The Scorpion King
Battle of the bodies: The Rock and Michael co-starred in 2002's The Scorpion King

MICHAEL CLARKE DUNCAN: 10.12.1957 - 03.09.2012

  • Born in Chicago, Illinois on December 10, 1957
  • Lived in a single-parent household with sister Judy
  • Moved to Los Angeles to pursue acting, and found work as a bodyguard to the stars
  • In 1995, landed an uncredited role in 1995 comedy hit Friday
  • Quit bodyguard work in 1997 following the death of client Notorious B.I.G
  • The following year, landed his big break as Bear in Armagedon 
  • Became a household name in 1999 for his Oscar-nominated role in The Green Mile
  • Won Best Supporting Actor for the Black Reel Award, Broadcast Film Critics Association Award and Saturn Award, following his efforts in the Tom Hanks blockbuster
  • Nominated for a further nine times for his role as John Coffey
  • Starred in blockbusters Planet Of The Apes, The Scoprion King and The Green Lantern
  • Suffered a heart attack on July 13, 2012 - given CPR by fiancée Omarosa Manigault
  • Despite treatment, Michael Clarke Duncan sadly died on September 3, aged 54

EXPLORE:     Celebrity       Tony Scott   


Edited By Cen Fox Post Team

Obama's Sensational Interview In Time Magazine


MICHAEL SCHERER: What is your message for the independent voter who supported you from Ohio or Iowa in 2008 because he thought you could change the tone in Washington, change politics? Did you do something wrong? And why will the next four years be different?
BARACK OBAMA: The message I have for them is no different than the message I have for the rest of the country, which is, I ran for office to not only deal with a looming economic crisis but also reverse a decade in which middle-class families had seen their security erode.
And everything I’ve done — most of the time in cooperation with Congress, but sometimes working around Congress — has been geared toward that central goal of making sure that we have a strong, vibrant, growing middle class and we got ladders of opportunity for people who are willing to work hard to get into the middle class.
That’s what the Recovery Act was about. That’s what saving the auto industry was about. That’s what health care was about. And for those who were hoping that Washington would be more focused on dealing with the problems that everyday Americans face, as opposed to party politics, I’m one of those people.
And I still believe that that’s what the American people are looking for: solving problems. What I’ve tried to do is to take ideas from everyone — Democrats and Republicans — that I thought would make a difference in the lives of working families. That’s why the Recovery Act — a third of it was tax cuts, traditionally an idea Republicans supported. That’s why our health care bill relies on private insurance and why it looks so much like Governor Romney’s health care bill.
So what I’m trying to do is to take the best ideas from either party, with one criteria, one filter, and that is: Is this helping to grow the middle class, build the middle class and create ladders of opportunity for people? And hopefully, voters recognize that not only has that been my priority over the last four years, but it’s going to be my priority over the next four years.

Report: Good Obama, Bad Obama
So on a couple of those examples — on stimulus, on health care reform and then on the debt ceiling — at each of those points, you express surprise and frustration that Republicans haven’t come further along with you. Has that changed the way you approach them? In the lame duck next year, you’re going to be dealing with probably one body, at least, of Congress controlled by Republicans. How are you going to approach them differently after the election? If voters are looking for a change in the stalemate, what do you see as the thing that changes the dynamic that we’ve had at least since 2008?
Well, one of the good things about this election is it’s going to give voters a very clear choice. I want to keep taxes low for 98% of Americans — everybody making under $250,000. Governor Romney wants to cut taxes by another $5 trillion, including for the wealthiest Americans, and to pay for it, potentially tax middle-class folks to the tune of about $2,000.
I want to continue to invest in things like wind energy. Governor Romney wants to continue $4 billion worth of subsidies to the oil companies. I want to implement the health care reform and balance our budget in sensible ways, making sure that we’re eliminating waste and fraud from Medicare but making sure it’s still a guarantee for seniors. Governor Romney and Congressman Ryan want to set up a voucher plan.
So given how stark the choices are, I do think that should I be fortunate enough to have another four years, the American people will have made a decision. And hopefully, that will impact how Republicans think about these problems.
I will continue to reach out to them and work with them wherever I can. And I think it’s important to note that even in the two years that Republicans have controlled the House, we’ve gotten a lot of stuff done. We have passed a payroll tax cut that affected almost every American. We’ve helped veterans get hired as they come home. We’ve gotten two major trade deals that open up markets and are contributing to us doubling exports.
So even in a pretty sour political circumstance, we’ve been able to get some things accomplished. And I believe that in a second term, where Mitch McConnell’s imperative of making me a one-term President is no longer relevant, they recognize that what the American people are looking for is for us to get things done.
And I will continue to insist to my Democratic colleagues that not all good ideas just come from Democrats and that if we’re going to reduce our deficit in a serious way, we are going to have to cut some spending even on some programs that I like. If we’re going to be serious about energy independence, then we can’t just have a knee-jerk opposition to the incredible resources that we have in our country. We’ve got to have an all-of-the-above strategy that develops oil and gas and clean coal along with wind and solar.
So my expectation is that there will be some popping of the blister after this election, because it will have been such a stark choice. Where Republicans refuse to cooperate on things that I know are good for the American people, I will continue to look for ways to do it administratively and work around Congress. And a good example of that is, for example, making sure that homeowners around the country can take advantage of these historically low rates and refinance.
There’s no reason Congress can’t move forward and at almost no cost to the federal government really boost the housing market and our economy. But if Congress won’t do it, we’ll keep on looking for ways to get that done without legislation.

Report: THE DARK SIDE OF OBAMA WHITE HOUSE
In 2011, as part of the grand bargain that didn’t work, you put a lot on the table that was uncomfortable for Democrats — changes to Medicare, changes to Social Security, cuts to Medicaid. For your Democrats who are supporting you now, should they expect you to go no further than that in the second term? What is your message to them about what you’re willing to put on the table to get a deal with Republicans on entitlements?
My message to Democrats is the same message I’ve got to Republicans and independents, and that is, I want a balanced approach to deficit reduction that combines additional revenue, particularly from folks like me who can afford it, with prudent cuts on both the discretionary side and the mandatory side but that still allows us to make investments in the things we need to grow.
And that means I’m prepared to look at reforms in Medicaid. I’m prepared to look at smart reforms on Medicare. But there are things I won’t do, and this is part of the debate we’re having in this election. I do not think it is a good idea to set up Medicare as a voucher system in which seniors are spending up to $6,000 more out of pocket. That was the original proposal Congressman Ryan put forward. And there is still a strong impulse I think among some Republicans for that kind of approach.
I’m not going to slash Medicaid to the point where disabled kids or seniors who are in nursing homes are basically uncared for. We’re not going to violate the basic bargain that Social Security represents.
Now, the good news is, if you’re willing to raise taxes on millionaires and billionaires, then you can make modest reforms on entitlements, reduce some additional discretionary spending, achieve deficit reduction and still preserve Social Security and Medicare and Medicaid in ways that people can count on. The only reason that you would have to go further than that is if there’s no revenue whatsoever. And that’s a major argument that we’re having with the Republicans.
Look, they love to paint me as this Big Government, tax-and-spend liberal. The truth is that growth in the federal government is slower than at any time since Dwight Eisenhower. Taxes are lower than at any time since Dwight Eisenhower. The tax reforms I’m calling for would simply take us back to the tax rates under Bill Clinton for people above $250,000, which means taxes will still be lower under me than they were under either Bill Clinton or Ronald Reagan.
We’re not looking for anything radical here. And frankly, the country doesn’t need radical changes. What it needs is some commonsense solutions that stay focused on helping middle-class families.
You said one of the mistakes you see in the first term was not telling that story better. What does it mean to tell the story better in the next four years? 
Well, what I meant by that is that we were in the midst of a once-in-a-lifetime crisis, so we had to just do stuff fast. And sometimes it wasn’t popular. And we didn’t have the luxury of six months to explain exactly what we were doing with the Recovery Act, which was basically a jobs act and making-sure-middle-class-families-didn’t-fall-into-poverty act.
And there were all kinds of things we could do to have explained that effectively, but we didn’t have time. The auto bailout — now a lot of people are coming around and saying that was the right thing to do. But at the time, I think it polled at 10%. And we didn’t have time to worry about that. We had a million jobs at stake in places like Ohio and Michigan, and we needed to make sure that we acted quickly.
So moving forward, what I want to make sure the American people understand is that investments in education, investments in basic science and research, an all-of-the-above American energy strategy, in making college more affordable, in rebuilding our infrastructure, our roads and our bridges and our ports and our airports — all those things that help make us grow are compatible with fiscal discipline as long as everybody is doing their fair share.
And that’s a story I’m doing my best to tell during the campaign. That’s a story I will continue to try to tell, if I’m fortunate enough to have a second term, in Inaugurations, in States of the Union. I want to make sure that people understand that I’ve got a focus on growing this economy, not growing the public sector, but doing enough to ensure that we’ve got the best workers in the world, we’ve got the best technology in the world and we’re competitive in the 21st century.


More: JOHN SUNUNU CALLS OBAMA 'DUMB AND STUPID'

I’ve heard two messages about the way politics works. One is, you’ve said — and your staff will say — variations of the line that if you get the policy right, the politics follows. You’ve also said a number of times, usually in fundraisers, that when people get angry or anxious, that rationality and science and reason doesn’t always carry the day. So now you’re four years in, which is winning out? How do you see it? They seem to be conflicting.
I don’t think they’re conflicting. I believe that if you do the right thing, then public opinion will eventually follow. But public opinion doesn’t always match up precisely with the election cycle, right?
So I genuinely believe that five years from now, folks will look back and say, I’m really glad that my 23-year-old can stay on my plan for health insurance. I’m really glad that we’ve closed the doughnut hole, so prescription drugs are cheaper for me. I’m really glad that I’ve got a pre-existing condition and I can still buy affordable health care through the exchanges that have been set up in the Affordable Care Act, Obamacare.
But that is when the thing is set up that people [will] realize they still have a choice of doctors and this hasn’t been a government takeover of health care — all the uncertainty has been taken out of it. And I’ve got an election in less than three months, not five years from now.
One thing I’ve learned as President — I’ve learned many things, but one thing that’s been confirmed for me is that when you’re sitting in this office, the weight of the office, the realization of how many people rely on you, the conversations you have with folks who are struggling, the sacrifices you see of soldiers who are coming home after losing a leg or worse in a war, requires you to make the very best decisions you can and set aside for a moment what it means for you politically.
And I don’t think I’m unique in that. I genuinely think, despite my strong disagreements with him, that George W. Bush felt the same way. And I know Bill Clinton felt the same way. I know George H.W. Bush felt the same way.
And so, what I wake up determined to accomplish every single day is making the best decisions I can, knowing that not everything we do is going to work, because part of the other challenge that you face as President is the problems that reach your desk are the ones that nobody else had good answers to. If there were easy solutions, somebody else would have solved it before it hit your desk. There’s some tension, there’s some conflict, there’s uncertainty, there’s two paths or five paths that might be taken and you’re not 100% sure that every single one of them are going to work.
And the only thing, then, to guide you is what you genuinely think is going to be best for the country. Because if you start trying to guess what’s going to be most politically advantageous or you try to game all that stuff out, you’ll get lost very quickly.
I assume you’ve done a pretty close study of your opponent, Mitt Romney. I know you admire him for his family and for the work he did on health care in Massachusetts. But I wonder if you could point to a couple of other things in his record and things he has accomplished that you actually admire.
Well, you took away a couple.
I did. I took away the two good ones. 
He strikes me as somebody who is very disciplined. And I think that that is a quality that obviously contributed to his success as a private-equity guy. I think he takes his faith very seriously. And as somebody who takes my Christian faith seriously, I appreciate that he seems to walk the walk and not just be talking the talk when it comes to his participation in his church.
But the fundamental difference between Governor Romney and myself, aside from some of our life experiences, I think is really a matter of how do you grow an economy that is strong and healthy over the long term. And when you look at the history of this country, when we’ve done best it’s been when everybody did well — when the middle class was strong, when wages and incomes were keeping up with the cost of living, when the doors of opportunity were widening, when we were giving more people a quality education, when as a country we were willing to make investments in things like science and research that any individual enterprise wouldn’t find profitable. That’s when we do well.
When we do badly is when we have a philosophy in which everybody is on their own and a few people are doing very well, and they amass more and more economic power, political power, and ordinary folks start feeling left behind. That skews not only our economy, but it also skews our politics.
So the most obvious example is the contrast between the 1920s leading into the Great Depression vs. the postwar era of the ’50s, ’60s and ’70s. And we’ve seen a repeat of that — the growth we had under Bill Clinton vs. a lack of growth that we had under George W. Bush.
This isn’t a matter of who is more patriotic or who is more empathetic toward people or who is nicer. It’s a hardheaded assessment of what makes our economy grow. And the facts are on my side in this argument. The question is whether, while we’re still digging ourselves out of this hole that we found ourselves in, the facts will win the day.
Coming out of 2008, there was talk from you and from some of your staff that you could bring [your campaign's] sort of grassroots movement, the organization, to Washington. And 2009 ended up being very much an inside-Washington mirror. [The year] 2012 is different. But if you’re able to get a second term, have you thought about ways of doing what the sort of promise of 2008 was that was never achieved in terms of bringing larger numbers of people to have a voice in the political process?
I’ve given that a lot of thought. And I do think that we had the best of intentions in 2009 and 2010. Again, we had to move very quickly, which meant that our biggest concern was how do we get 60 votes right now to get this done.
We won’t be in that same kind of crisis, putting-out-the-fire mentality, in 2013–2014. There are a handful of big issues that we’re going to have to deal with. We’ve got to get our fiscal house in order. And so, one way or another, before midyear of 2013, we will have solved that problem. Either Mitt Romney will have won, and he and members of the Republican Congress will have pushed through their tax cuts and all the cuts that they are proposing, and people will be able to assess whether that worked. Or we’re going to have a balanced approach that I’ve proposed.
I think we can get immigration reform done. The time is right for it. We used to have bipartisan support for it. That will continue to be a top priority for me.
I think there’s a lot more progress that we can make on the energy front, not only developing traditional sources of energy — the natural-gas boom, I think, could have huge impact on our energy independence as well as geopolitical implications, making us less reliant on other countries for energy. But also the work that we need to do to become more energy efficient — building on the doubling of fuel-efficiency standards on cars — I want to make sure that we’re increasing energy efficiency in buildings and schools and hospitals, which could put people back to work and save us money in the long run.
We still need to rebuild our infrastructure. And I think there’s still a lot we can do to reform our government — the whole government reorganization, streamlining it to eliminate paperwork, make government more customer-friendly — have one-stop shopping for businesses that want to export that need a credit line, that need technical assistance. All those things, I think, we can make government as consumer-friendly as an Apple store and Amazon.
All those things are areas where, historically at least, we’ve been able to bridge some of these partisan divides. And they’re not particularly ideological. But for me to get those accomplished, I do think I’m going to need to bring in the voices of the American people much more systematically, much more regularly.
Finding the right mechanisms to do that is something that we’re going to spend a lot of time thinking about. Obviously, the Internet and the digital age helps. We’ve been able to do that on our campaign. We now need to translate that more to how our government works. But I think the American people are ready for it.
The one thing I feel very strongly about, as I travel around the country, is that as anxious as people feel about the recession we’ve just gone through and the challenges that we’re getting from around the world, Americans are really tough, resilient and decent, and they’ve got good instincts. The more they are actively participating in this process, the better off we’re going to be.
I think that one other big argument I’ve gotten with Republicans is, they like to paint government as something alien and foreign and part of the problem, and if we can just shrink it and neuter it — or as Grover Norquist once said, Drown it in a tub, essentially — that somehow we’re going to be better off. That’s not how the founders conceived of our government. America is based on the idea of self-government, a government of and by and for the people — not of and by and for the lobbyists, not of and by and for the members of Congress, [but] of and by and for the people. And anything I can do to enhance that and to reconnect people with that idea will, I think, lead to better outcomes.
One impediment to that is what we’ve seen in this campaign with money and politics and Citizens United. And so one conversation I think we’re going to have to have with the entire country after this election is, Do we want a situation in which undisclosed donors writing $10 million checks have such disproportionate influence over the course of this country? And if not, what can we do to change it?
Did you make a mistake by not embracing Citizens United earlier or sort of embracing it?
First of all, I’ve never embraced it. What I’ve said is, we can’t unilaterally disarm. I make no apologies for thinking that it’s bad for our democracy when you’ve got hundreds of millions of dollars being spent by shadow groups that aren’t accountable to anybody and aren’t even disclosing.
Within the parameters of the rules that are being played right now, we’ve tried to make sure that we are disclosing everybody who is contributing to us, our bundlers. We still don’t take money from lobbyists. We don’t take money from PACs.
But look, we’re in an environment right now where money is as prominent as it’s ever been in our politics. And that’s never been my idea of politics. That’s never what has motivated me. I think the American people consider this a big problem, and I hopefully will be able to work with them to find some solutions in a second term.


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Edited By Cen Fox Post Team

"Iran Could Strike U.S Bases If Israel Attacks": Hezbollah


Lebanon's Hezbollah leader Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah addresses his supporters via a screen, during a rally marking ''Quds (Jerusalem) Day'',in the southern suburbs of Beirut, August 17, 2012. REUTERS/Sharif Karim

Beirut: Iran could hit U.S. bases in the Middle East in response to any Israeli strike on its nuclear facilities even if American forces played no role in the attack, the leader of Lebanon's Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah said on Monday.
"A decision has been taken to respond and the response will be very great," Hezbollah Secretary-General Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah said in an interview with the Beirut-based Al Mayadeen television.
"The response will not be just inside the Israeli entity - American bases in the whole region could be Iranian targets," he said, citing information he said was from Iranian officials. "If Israel targets Iran, America bears responsibility."
Heightened Israeli rhetoric about Tehran's nuclear facilities, which the West says could be part of a weapons program,Isarel has stoked speculation that it may attack Iran before U.S. elections in November.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu urged world powers on Sunday to set a "clear red line" to convince Iran they would prevent it from obtaining nuclear arms.
Israel, thought to be the Middle East's only nuclear-armed power, views Iran's nuclear program as a threat to its regional dominance and to its very existence. Tehran says the atomic work is for peaceful purposes only.

More:  REPORT ON IRAN NUCLEAR WORK SURPRISES ISRAEL


But Netanyahu's cabinet is divided over the wisdom of attacking Iran, and Israeli officials have dropped heavy hints of a climbdown strategy, under which Netanyahu would shelve threats of an attack now in return for a stronger public pledge from President Barack Obama on conditions that would provoke U.S. action in future.
Nasrallah said there were divisions in Israel over attacking Iran. "Personally I do not expect the Israeli enemy - at least in the coming months or foreseeable future - (to wage) an attack on the Islamic Republic of Iran," he said.
Nasrallah pointed to the fragile global economy, which would be weakened further by any sharp rise in crude oil prices stemming from conflict in the Gulf, and to likely Israeli casualties in any war with Iran.
"Netanyahu and (Defence Minister Ehud) Barak inflate the benefit and play down the cost," he said, referring to Barak's estimates that Israel could suffer up to 500 fatalities in any conflict aimed at wiping out Iran's nuclear facilities.
Hezbollah guerrillas fought a 34-day war with Israel six years ago in which 1,200 people in Lebanon, mostly civilians, and 160 people in Israel, mostly soldiers, were killed.
War with Iran would be more deadly, Nasrallah said. "We don't know what will happen in the region."
NO CHEMICAL WEAPONS
He repeated a warning he made last month that Hezbollah could cause widespread destruction if it came into conflict with Israel again, but denied that the Shi'ite Islamist guerrilla and political movement would ever use chemical weapons.
"We do not have chemical weapons and we will not use chemical weapons," Nasrallah said. "The use of chemical weapons is forbidden - for us that is absolute.
Unrest in neighboring Syria, which acknowledged for the first time in July that it possessed chemical or biological weapons, has led to Western fears that those weapons might fall into the hands of Islamist groups including Hezbollah.
"I do not need chemical weapons - regardless of the religious or practical position," Nasrallah said, addressing Israel. "You have factories, and you have bases, and compounds, and I have rockets."
Israel had several "weak points" which could be targeted, including "economic, industrial, electrical, chemical and nuclear" sites, the Hezbollah leader said.
Even if Israel launched a first strike attack on Lebanon, destroying a large part of Hezbollah's missile arsenal, the militant group would retain the capacity to hit back with deadly force, he added.
Two weeks ago Nasrallah said Hezbollah could kill tens of thousands of Israelis by hitting targets with what he described as precision-guided missiles.
"Hitting these targets with a small number of rockets will turn ... the lives of hundreds of thousands of Zionists to real hell," he said at the time.
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Virat Kohli Is 'A Star In Making'



There was a time, when no matter what happened on the field, as long as Sachin Tendulkar was there in the middle, India had hope.
That time is now past.
But the baton has been passed. Now, Virat Kohli evokes a similar feeling. The calm that he displays in the middle is unreal, and completely at odds with the personality that he is known to have. The only glimpse of the ‘brat’ was after Mahendra Singh Dhoni hit a six to win the match – that’s when Kohli let his bat do the windmill and the let loose a few choice profanities.
This is not to say that Gautam Gambhir, Virender Sehwag and Cheteshwar Pujara batted badly. However, Kohli was simply in a different class at the moment.
India's Kohli celebrates after India won the match and the series against New Zealand on the fourth day of their second test cricket match in Bangalore. Reuters
India’s Kohli celebrates after India won the match and the series against New Zealand on the fourth day of their second test cricket match in Bangalore. Reuters
Rahul Dravid was in the commentary box for a while during the fourth day’s play and he was asked about Kohli. His thoughts were quite revealing.
“I have been following his career since his U-19 days. As he was a part of the Royal Challengers Bangalore set-up, I have seen him closely. His talent was never questioned, but he did not have the mental discipline or the cricket smarts – if you want to call it that – to make that talent work.
“When you watch a young player first, you would like to see him again after a period of three or six months. You would like to find out whether he has worked on his mistakes or not. That gives you an idea about what they are learning.
“But I am glad he has learnt from his mistakes and has come up as an improved batsman. He had earlier issues about short-pitched stuff but he has now improved a lot,” Dravid said.
Indeed, the century in the first innings was remarkable not because of the 14 fours he hit, or the superb six that he hit over wide long on off Jeetan Patel. It was remarkable for the ease with which he constructed the innings. Most players who are just breaking into a team these days want to make an impression by hitting the big, spectacular shots. Kohli just wants to take his team to victory.
He had enough confidence to back himself and say that if he didn’t do anything wrong, the Kiwis couldn’t get him out. In stark contrast to Suresh Raina, who thought the only way to survive, was to hit the big shots and he didn’t succeed in the least.
In a recent interview, Unmukt Chand, who just won the under-19 World Cup for India, spoke about a conversation with Kohli.
“He told me that for the first three years, he didn’t quite know what was happening in the middle. It is only now that he has managed to figure out his game,” said Unmukt.

Virat Kohli was simply superb. 
And with every innings in the middle, it shows. In 5 Tests in 2012, he has made 501 runs at 62.62. In 16 ODIs this year, 1026 runs at an amazing average of 73.28. In 4 T20 matches, 121 runs at 40.33. The numbers, whichever way you look at them, are stunning.
It also shows why Kohli is now the lynch-pin of the Indian batting line-up. He is the ‘main’ man. Not Sehwag; not Gambhir; not Tendulkar. It’s Kohli. Dhoni’s decision to stand by Kohli after his failures in Australia will probably go down as one of the best decisions he made as skipper. The right-hander made 11 and 0 in the first Test at Melbourne, 23 and 9 at Sydney but Dhoni kept his faith and aren’t we glad.
After the match, Dhoni showered the bowlers with a lot of praise but he didn’t forget about Kohli.
“There are two ways to play under pressure – you either hit out or soak up the pressure. Virat soaked up the pressure and he did that in both innings. I think he has a great temperament but he has to keep working on it.”
Kohli may never play like this again – but if he can somehow engrave these moments in his mind, you can be sure India will do more than just survive even without Rahul Dravid and VVS Laxman.
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